Railroad competition in the 19th Century was structured by
three basic facts:
Railroads owned the highway and all the
vehicles on the higway.
Railroads had High Fixed Costs
Railroads, for political and economic
reasons, were not allowed to be Liquidated
The Railroad's Pricing Problem – The decisions of railroad
managers in setting or administering their prices reflected two basic
conditions:
The pressure of high fixed costs.
Costs that did not
vary with traffic volume were about two-thirds of the cost of
running the railroad!
Interest on invested capital, salaries, insurance, and taxes
were all pure fixed costs.
Movement expenses were pure variable costs.
Repair and maintenance of roadbed, buildings, bridges, etc.,
and station expenses were partly fixed and partly variable.
The existence of unused
capacity.
These high fixed costs created an
inexorable pressure to attract
traffic.
The typical railroad often had no competition for local,
short-haul freight. However, almost all large cities were served by
several railroads.
The consequence of points B) and C) was that railroads had
considerable flexibility in setting their rates. Unlike most other
economic actors, the railroads tended
to set prices in relation to
cost rather than demand.
This inexorably led the railroads into setting rates that
discriminated against persons, places, and types of traffic.
Discrimination against types of
traffic: Examples
Value Based Pricing – One of the earliest realizations of
railroad managers was that they could not charge a flat ton-mile freight
rate. If they did so, the cost of shipping high value added finished goods
would be too cheap and the cost of shipping bulk freight would be too
expensive. If the rates were too high then lumber, coal, and minerals
would not be produced since it would too expensive to ship them. If the
rates were too low, then manufacturers of finished goods would be getting
a "free" ride. Consequently, detailed categories of freight
quickly evolved and value based pricing became the standard.
Asymmetric Traffic – Traffic on many railroads was asymmetric,
more freight was shipped in one direction than the other. Consequently,
since some empty cars had to be pulled in one direction, then almost
anything at any price to fill those empty cars was profitable. So it
could cost less to ship an identical item from city A to city B than from
city B to city A.
Volume – Because moving a full as opposed to a partially full
car was approximately the same cost, lower rates were charged on carload
lots.
Discrimination against places:
It was very common for freight
rates to be higher between towns along a railroad’s main line – especially
if it was a monopoly provider – than the rates between major cities at the
ends of railroad’s main line. For example, freight rates between, say,
Greensburg, PA, and Altoona, PA, on the Pennsylvania RR could be higher
than rates from Pittsburgh to Philadelphia. It was cheaper to ship oil
from Cleveland, OH to New York City than it was to ship oil from
Pittsburgh, PA to New York City. Cleveland had multiple rail lines and
Pittsburgh only had the PARR (the B&O’s line into Pittsburgh could not
handle enough traffic to bother the PARR).
Oyster Example – Not every case of discrimination against
places stemmed from monopoly conditions. A group of oystermen from a town
on the Delaware coast went to the railroad (I believe it was the PARR) that
had a branch line from Philadelphia to the coastal town and offered the
railroad a deal. If the railroad would add an extra freight car to its
regularly scheduled train to the coast and back the oystermen would supply
enough oysters to fill the car. This would allow the oystermen to get
their product to the Philadelphia fish market. The railroad looked at the
costs and decided that at $1 per 100 pounds and a full car it would
make money so they agreed to provide the car.
However, the railroad then discovered that the oystermen could
only provide a half carload and the railroad was losing money.
Rather than end the service, the railroad went to the oystermen in a
second Delaware town down the coast from the first town and offered to
ship their oysters at $.75 per 100 pounds. It cost about $.25 per 100
pounds to get the oysters from the second town to the first town. The
result was that the railroad filled its freight car ½ at $1.00 and ½ at
$.75 which allowed it to break even.
Is this fair? The oystermen who live further away are
getting a cheaper freight rate! But any other arrangement would result in
the railroad losing money and no oysters being shipped!
The moral of the story is that the railroads were not
necessarily evil, money grubbing, exploiters of local business!
Discrimination against persons
– Rebates and Drawbacks
Because of the competitive nature of the railroad business,
large shippers early on insisted upon, and got, price breaks
– rebates – from the railroads. These rebates varied with
the number of railroads available to the shipper and the market power of
the shipper.
A good example of this was the
Standard Oil. Cleveland, Ohio
was served by three railroads – the New York Central, the Erie, and the
Pennsylvania. The prevailing rate in 1867 was $.42 a barrel to ship from
the Oil Regions in PA to Cleveland where it was refined by the Standard.
Henry Flagler, Rockefeller’s
capable partner, negotiated a secret rebate of
at least $.15 per barrel from the railroads (needless to say, no records
survive of these transactions!). Given its volume, this gave the Standard
a big competitive advantage.
Henry Flagler (1830 - 1913) Railroads in the Pennsylvania Oil Regions 1865-73
Drawbacks – In some situations shippers were powerful enough to
force the railroads to given them drawbacks on competitors. For example,
in one instance the Standard Oil got a rebate of $.25 per barrel on the
published rate of $.40 so its true cost was $.15 a barrel. It then forced
the railroads to charge its competitors the published rate of $.40 and
refund $.25 of the $.40 directly to Standard Oil. This was known as a
drawback and note that it is a capital transfer from the competitors!
William H. Vanderbilt admitted to
the Hepburn Committee (an investigation by the New York State Senate) in
1879 that all large shippers who applied for special rates normally
received them. In the first six months of 1880 the New York Central
system granted 6,000 special rates.
William H. Vanderbilt (1821 - 1885)
The Perversity of Rate Competition
By 1873 nearly all the railroads had excess capacity.
Consequently, prices on competitive through traffic quickly dropped below
rates on local non-competitive business. Because of the over capacity,
one railroad’s gain was another’s loss so rate wars were severe.
Railroads with high bonded debt would cut rates to generate
cash to pay the interest on their debt thereby forcing the stronger, better
capitalized, roads to match freight rates. The weaker road would then go
into bankruptcy and, with protection from its creditors, would cut rates
further. The problem was that federal judges (bankruptcy, unless the
Congress permits the States some flexibility, is a U.S. government
concern) were very reluctant to allow the
physical liquidation of a railroad’s assets because of the political
implications! Once towns had service, they did not want the railroad to
disappear! As a practical matter
most Railroads were more valuable
if they were left intact and running than they were if they
were liquidated!
In addition, during the 19th
Century there was no federal bankruptcy law that covered corporate
enterprises! From 1867-78 there was a law that covered
bankruptcy by individuals and merchants, but not corporations!
Consequently, the federal courts were forced to innovate!
Beginning in the early 1870s the federal courts developed a set
of rules known as Equity Receivership
so that major corporate enterprises could be reorganized. This process
has been outlined in detail by
Peter Tufano ("Business Failure, Judicial
Intervention, and Financial Innovation: Restructuring U. S.
Railroads in the Nineteenth Century," Business History Review,
71:1-40.)
Before the 1850s Railroads were financed mostly with sales of
Stock. By the Civil War most Railroads were using bonds and stock.
The problem with
bonds was that they carried a strict lien on the real property of the
railroad in the form of a mortgage. Consequently, the bond holders
were almost always senior claimants
when the railroad went into bankruptcy because they held a mortgage.
Equity Receivership proceded as follows:
the Court appointed Receivers
- usually the exiting management of the
bankrupt railroad. The Receivers were allowed to:
Break leases and contracts
Withhold interest payments due existing creditors
Obtain interim financing to keep the Railroad running
The Court allowed Receivers to issue
Receivers' Certificates to raise cash.
These allowed the receivers to borrow against the "whole estate" of the
railroad and were super-senior
borrowings.
The basic goal of the reorganization was to reduce fixed
charges. This was achieved by:
Exchanging old securities for new securities.
Assessment - current holders of securities had to invest
more capital.
A key innovation was the setting of
Upset Prices by the Court. If an
investor decided not to participate in the reorganization then he
received a cash payment for his existing securities. The Court set the
Upset Values for all the various claims on the defaulted railroad.
These prices were usually set LOW in order to "encourage" broad
participation in the reorganization and to increase the likelihood
of success of the reorganization.
Equity Receivership (Figure 1 in Peter Tufano's
Article)
Because of this perverse logic of competition the railroads put together
various mechanisms to fix rates to prevent the ruinous competition. They
tried a number of schemes the most popular of which was freight pooling.
Traffic was divided between the competing roads based upon an agreed upon
formula and all roads maintained the prevailing freight rate. These
arrangements more often than not broke down for obvious reasons.
Another solution was consolidation. This was effectively
achieved in the mid to late 1890s by
J.P. Morgan and other investment
bankers after a devastating wave of railroad bankruptcies in the early
1890s.
John Pierpont Morgan (1837 - 1913) Percent Railroad Mileage in Bankruptcy
(Figure 2 in Peter Tufano's
Article)
Economic Effects of Rebates and Drawbacks
Promoted industrial
consolidation.
Favored big cities with multiple railroad
lines.
1) and 2) led to the development of factory
cities in the U.S.